Most people will be familiar with the threat Georgia faces from its Russian neighbor. But Georgian society also faces massive internal challenges to its democracy and economy. We need to get past our confrontational politics to create a pluralistic democracy and bring prosperity based on open markets to all Georgians. This would also improve our security in the face of the Russian threat.
Unfortunately, some ruling politicians forget that these goals can only be achieved with a strong but balanced government, the rule of law, room for dialogue and disagreement, a vibrant opposition and fair elections. It is time to press the restart button on democracy in Georgia.
Following the Rose Revolution in November 2003, a new government came to power under President Mikheil Saakashvili that had unquestioned popular support and a massive mandate for change. The government enacted a range of economic reforms, many of them successful. However, it made a key miscalculation, thinking that the quickest way to reform was to put unparalleled power in the presidency and weaken the powers of the parliament. Presidential selection of judges ensured a compliant legal system. Tbilisi removed also the local autonomy and local tax-raising powers of municipalities, which contributed to Georgia’s depressingly poor democracy rating in the recent Freedom House assessment. On every indicator, Georgia was either unchanged from the previous year or had worsened. As the report puts it: “Georgia remains a hybrid system in which a parliament loyal to the president fails to curtail authoritarian tendencies on the part of the executive.”
State security forces have behaved so appallingly that our human rights ombudsman Sozar Sobari, who is elected by parliament, has now twice called for an investigation into the conduct of Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili. Also alarming have been the series of listening devices opposition parties have found in their offices in recent weeks. Media organizations highlighting these infractions have become the target of government censorship, a process that reached its apogee when special forces were sent to seize the country’s most popular TV station, Imedi, in November 2007.
The irregularities during the presidential elections in January 2008 suggest a government that uses its power to handicap the opposition. Some 23% of monitored ballot counting had problems that were either “bad or very bad” and in 8% of voting stations there was direct tampering, according to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. This in an election where the President--even according to the official count--avoided a second-round vote by only three percentage points.
The irregularities continued during the parliamentary elections in May 2008. As the OSCE report states: “The campaign was marred by widespread allegations of intimidation, among others of candidates, party activists and state employees. Among numerous specific allegations examined by the OSCE, several were found to be credible.”
This climate of intolerance has also contributed to our economic difficulties. Past reforms have been successful in reducing red-tape and streamlining government bureaucracies. However, as a recent World Bank report stated, poverty has hardly been reduced in the last four years and unemployment has actually gone up. But any attempt to discuss the country’s economic difficulties is dismissed out of hand as opposition to reforms. But our economic problems stem from our democratic failings. It is understandably difficult for businesses—foreign or domestic—to invest in our economy when our ratings for governance are poor. Why would you want to risk your capital when, as Freedom House puts it, “the Interior Ministry is a law unto itself, accountable to no one.”
Over-centralization of power is also at the heart of our security problems. The disastrous execution of last August’s war against Russia’s aggression was the result of the failure of our president to create a state system where decisions are made after proper discussion and analysis. As Georgia’s ambassador to the United Nations at the time, I was concerned that the war was directed by the president’s inner circle and those military and intelligence leaders who offered different opinions were simply excluded from the decisions.
Of course, the responsibility for reform does not just lie with the government. If the Georgian opposition wants to be taken seriously, it must do more than just oppose. Over the next few months we will aim to formulate the policies and create the institutions to present us to the Georgian people as a credible alternative to the ruling party.
At the moment, though, there is a strong perception in Georgia that the power of the state would be wielded against anyone who supports us. If the political opposition in Georgia is to offer any competition to the ruling party we must be able to recruit and fundraise without harassment.
Anticipating Vice President Joe Biden’s visit this week, President Saakashvili offered some reforms in his speech to the Georgian parliament on Monday. But the government has made and broken promises before. The international community will need to hold President Saakashvili to his promises if these warm words are ever to be transformed into action.
To do this, the European Union and the United States need to have clear and transparent benchmarks to measure Georgia’s democratic progress to ensure a free media, independent judiciary and free elections. The international community should be forthright in its criticism of any anti-democratic behavior in Georgia. Fears that this criticism might bring instability or weaken the country are exaggerated. A vibrant democracy needs internal debate and honest friends abroad.
This country may disagree about who is to lead us but it is united in its aspirations for democracy, independence and European integration.
Mr. Alasania is the leader of the Opposition party, Our Georgia–Free Democrats.
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